Research Paper - 22 April 2014

A House for Crossed Crocodiles
Thesis Prep - Final Paper
22 April 2014





A HOUSE FOR CROSSED CROCODILES: An Exploration in Adaptability, Taste, and Satisfying a Shared Stomach

Brie Smith | Josemaria de Churtichaga

University of Toronto | Master of Architecture | Thesis 2014
22 April 2014


ABSTRACT

In many developing countries, the social aspiration for development is moving faster than the built environment can accommodate; physical infrastructure and architectural practice are not evolving at the same rate.  Families wanting to build and establish themselves on settled land are challenged with opposing options.  Vernacular construction made from local, native materials is accessible and affordable,  Modern construction techniques, while often expensive and more difficult to attain, offer a sense of establishment and an affiliation with progress.

Focusing in the community of Woe, Ghana, this thesis looks to explore the historic and cultural influences contributing to their present-day architecture.  Through in-person workshops and collaborative design practices, the goal is to adapt and develop modern construction techniques that are functional, sustainable, and culturally significant.

A House for Crossed Crocodiles is an exploration striving to satisfy diverse tastes, and reconcile the challenges associated with modern construction in rural Ghana.


FUNTUMFUNAFU DENKYEM FUNAFU

Funtumfunafu, denkyemmfunafu, won afuru bomu nso wodidi 
a na worefom efiri se aduane ne de ye di no mene twitwi mu.


Two headed crocodiles fight over food that goes to a common 
stomach because each relishes the food in its throat.

The Akan of Ghana make extensive use of an ideographic and pictographic symbol system called adinkra.  Each symbol represents a specific proverb or saying.  Collectively, these symbols “form a system of writing that preserves and transmits the accumulated cultural values of the Akan people”  (Arthur and CFIKS 2010).  This system is ubiquitous in Western Ghana, and can be seen incorporated into textiles, pottery, carvings, and the built environment.

Denkyem is the adinkra symbol for ‘crocodile.’  The crocodile “lives in the water, yet breathes the air, demonstrating an ability to adapt to circumstances” (MacDonald n.d.).  Crossed crocodiles, funtumfunafu denkyem funafu, are Siamese twin crocodiles joined at the stomach.  In essence, this symbol represents the difficulties inherent in reconciling individual and group interests within a democratic system.

A House for Crossed Crocodiles is a thesis exploration striving to satisfy diverse tastes and reconcile the challenges associated with modern construction in rural Ghana.


HISTORY & INFLUENCE

“In Anlo-Ewe contexts if you set out to ‘study’ something you use
 the term srɔ or srɔnu to talk about this practice. This same term 
srɔ is used for the endeavor we label in the English language as ‘marry.’ 

They say that to marry is to study the one you have joined, 
and to study something is to marry it.” 
—Katheryn Linn Geurts, Culture and the Senses: 
Bodily Ways of Knowing in an African Community

Woe is a small rural community located on the eastern coast of Ghana.  Roughly five kilometers long by 1.5 kilometers wide, Woe sits on a narrow sandbar, located between the Gulf of Guinea and freshwater Keta Lagoon.  Both salt and freshwater fishing is dominant in this area, complimented by shallot and cash crop farming (including maize, pepper, okra, and tomato).  The Anlo people are native to this region, and have a strong connection to place (Ameevor 2003).  Archaeological remains found in the coastal zone indicate inhabitation since the early Bronze Age (ca. 4000 B.C.), and most ethnic groups constituting the modern Ghanaian population had settled in their present locations by the end of the 16th Century (Berry 1995).  Their present day culture represents generations of tradition influenced by foreign settlers, missionaries, slave trading, and the modern integration of technology.  Each of these impacts has left their trace on the Anlo culture.  In Woe, these traces are legible through their architecture.

Traditionally, Anlo fisherman migrated along the coast and used thatch to construct their temporary homes.  A typical unit houses an individual or small family.  Approximately 3.0 meters long by 2.3 meters wide, the rectangular structure is covered by a steeply pitched, gable-ended roof.  The following excerpt from “Construction Technology for a Developing Country” clearly describes and illustrates indigenous construction methods as observed by H. Schreckenback and J. G. K. Abankwa (1982).

“The thatch houses have a timber frame structure of posts and beams from Fan palm trees and split trunks of Coconut palm trees(3) (Borassus Aethiopum, “Agoti” in Ewe and Cocos Nucifera, “Neti” in Ewe), purlins of mangroves or coconut leaf fronds. The walls are made from coconut palm leaves plaited in the early morning hours when the dew makes the leaves soft(4). The single unit is approximately 3.00m long by 2.30m wide.

The main posts are dug and wedged into the ground 350mm deep. These posts have forked top ends to receive the eaves and ridge beams(3,5). Intermittent posts are then added. Rafters and purlins are fixed. Thatch is prepared from Imperata Cylindrica. The grass is cut and left to dry for a few days and tied up in bundles afterwards. From these the roof cover is plaited into mats of about 1.80m in length(8, 9). Thatch is laid in layers from the eaves upwards with two layers “head downwards” under the eaves layer for additional thickness, all other layers are laid “head upwards”. The wall mats are then fixed to the framework with horizontal battens tied over coconut leaf fronds(7). At the bottom of the wall a small trench is dug of 150mm depth and nearly filled with ash. The plaited wall panels are pushed down into the ash when they are fixed to the framework. The trench is afterwards filled with sand. The horizontal battens are either fixed over the mats from the outside or inside, according to taste, or mats are tied to the framework from both sides so as to create a “cavity wall”.

This wall structure allows a fair amount of ventilation to pass through. In most cases therefore these houses are without window openings. A door opening which can be covered with a thick woven grass mat (these are sometimes also used for the walls) is left between two of the posts(10).

The floor is made from a slab of 150mm thick wet clay and beaten flat. The sand has been removed to this depth and a layer of ash sprinkled on the ground before the wet mud is laid.”

By the late 15th century, the transitory Anlo people consolidated their territory and settled into the coastal area surrounding the Keta Lagoon, still utilizing the traditional thatch and beam construction.  The rich natural wealth (mineral, agricultural, and human resources) found inland, however, lead to foreign pursuit.  Infiltration began in the late 1400s, when the Portuguese penetrated from the south.  Interested in trading gold and ivory, they built and fortified trade posts along what came known to be called the Gold Coast.  Over the following years the Portuguese were followed by Christian missionaries, and later Dutch, British, and Danish traders.  More than 30 forts and castles were constructed along the Gold Coast, creating the largest concentration of European military architecture outside of Europe (Berry 1995).  By the end of the 19th century with more than 400 years of foreign influence particular elements and architectural details were incorporated into traditional building methods.  Timber veranda, louvered timber shutters, stone wall construction and walls from sun-dried mud bricks or later burnt bricks were imported and assimilated into the indigenous building methods (Schreckenback and Abankwa 1982).  The 1900’s brought the most recent stage in construction.  The increased trade traffic introduced materials like cement, and corrugated tin, aluminum, and asbestos-cement sheeting to the Anlo state.  When properly mixed, blocks cast from sand and cement offered more durability than the clay-based brick.  The sheeting replaced thatch roofs.

In rural communities where the farmer, fisherman, or craftsman is his own builder, the traditional methods are still used as modern methods become more familiar.  In Woe multi-generational families often live together, inhabiting multiple structures contained within a fenced yard.  In a single compound a mix of building methods can found together—including thatch and palm fronds, clay brick, and sandcrete blocks with corrugated sheeting(10).  The primary home is most commonly brick or block, while children’s rooms, kitchen, storage and bathing facilities still utilize the traditional construction methods (Smith and Cross Cultural Solutions 2003).


When looking at the community as a whole, the number of traditional vs modern structures often corresponds with the family profession.  Fishermen, specifically net owners, have a more stable income, and in turn, have the capital to invest in modern construction.  Farmers, challenged by a decreasing water table and limited crop size, often generate income by season.  Traditional architecture is more common, since accumulating savings is onerous.  For both fisherman and farmers, the ecological swing in recent years has negatively impacted production.  Saving and planning for the future is difficult.  Many families embark on new construction, and are forced to halt progress(11) after a difficult season or unexpected emergency.  Across Woe, incomplete structures in various states of disrepair fill the landscape, and stand as constant reminders of an arduous way of life.


EMULATION & CELEBRATION

The push for modern development within Ghana is palpable.  In 2012 the country’s national Communications Authority reported 24.4 million Ghanaians, nearly 98 percent of the total population, were mobile phone users.  The country began implementing a new fiber optic system to provide service in remote areas.  Within the last year alone, mobile data subscription has increased from 36.6% of the population to 48.84% (National Communications Authority 2014).  With only 76.6 percent of the rural population having access to improved drinking water, and a startling 91.8% without access to improved sanitation facilities such as flush or pour flush systems, ventilated improved pit latrines, or composting toilets  (Water and Sanitation Monitoring Platform 2008), there is a disconnect  in advancement versus basic human needs.

The social aspiration for development is moving faster than the built environment can accommodate; physical infrastructure and architectural practice are not evolving at the same rate.  In addition, the vast number of incomplete and derelict structures around Woe indicates a larger challenge – modern construction, as it currently exists, is not an accessible, attainable method to build and develop.

The cost to import cement blocks and other processed materials is incredibly high relative the village economy.  Specialized trades are required for construction.  Modern structures are also less appropriate for the climate.  Block construction is thermally and acoustically problematic in the hot, humid climate.  The solid wall construction doesn’t allow for cross ventilation.  Passive lighting is limited to inset wood shutters or doors, creating dark interiors dependent on electricity and outside light sources.

This modern construction loses the ephemeral qualities of traditional architecture.  The textures and light dancing from plaited palm leaves or thatched roofs are replaced by plaster and other hard surfaces.  The sounds of birds singing or the breeze rustling through the leaves stop when the doors and shutters are closed.  Vary rarely in Woe are the two construction methods brought together.  Traditional techniques are associated with poverty.  Why lessen the appearance of modern status by covering it with thatch (Setsoafia 2006)?

This social pressure to move out of poverty puts an incredible burden on the family.  This emulation of modern development(14, 15) requires years of savings and often high interest loans.  Families will plan their ideal house, and only afford to build a few courses at a time.  Some try to reduce cost by cutting cement, leading to a brittle sand-based structure (Ameevor 2003).  As mentioned earlier, the best intentions to build can be stopped by a difficult production season or an unexpected emergency.  When construction stops before a project is complete, what is built is left exposed and vulnerable to the elements.  Unprotected, these foundations and walls become brittle and crack, leaving the work and investment unsafe or unusable.    

This challenge—this contradiction between modern construction and construction attainability, culture emulation and historic celebration—sets the framework for this thesis.

Rich in history and tradition, this vibrant community of Woe celebrates life, faith, and family.  Their push for development and want to move out of poverty lead to the emulation of a modern ideal, an aspiration which poses its own difficulties.  Can redesigning modern construction techniques help mitigate the divide between Woe’s past and future, and provide architectural strategies for affordable, sustainable and culturally celebrated development?

In a 2003 interview, Togbi the Chief of Woe was asked about his vision for the community.  Focusing the discussed need for improved education and awareness in the community, Togbi was asked where he saw Woe in five years, ten years, and his plan on achieving that vision (Togbi 2003).

Togbi: Yes, as I mentioned before, education is very important in awakening this community. Our future resides in our children. At the moment, only 15% of JSS students are moving on to pursue further studies. In five years, I would like to see that number increase to 50%. Many of the students will move into a trade, and not pursue development into the future. It is like the saying “Idle minds lead to idle hands.” We must encourage an awakening in the community, in our children, so that they will be aware of the conditions of the village and be more apt to grow and develop.

In ten years, after there has been an awakening, I want to focus on the development of the village. There is much building and development occurring not far from here, along the Anloga-Tegbi Road. There is not a plan for the area, though. Attention needs to be placed on developing that area as a whole. Woe is not home to many of the important services. If a villager is sick, they need to travel to Anloga or Keta to their hospitals and clinics. I would like to develop a health center in Woe, and bring other services to the village. All of this is dependent on our children and the awakening of the village. We must want to grow and develop for these visions to be successful.

I am very interested in what you are here to do. I would like you to take a critical look at the village, from the architecture and building materials, to the village plan and infrastructure. Are we developing in a way that is best for our future? I will be interested in your research and findings.

This visioning question was the first time Togbi was asked to reflect and imagine a possible future.  This discussion was the first of many, and a dialogue was initiated with the community as a whole.  Focus groups with the Elders and community leaders, fishermen, farmers, market women, and youth were conducted over a several month project.  The results were summarized in the 2003 Woe General Plan, and the findings were used by the community to help influence and inform development decisions moving forward.

As communities grow and change, the sole designer is no longer equipped to address the diverse needs of the community. Even simple design problems have many variables and an infinite number of potential outcomes.  Programming is a dynamic process which converts raw information into useful design information with the aid of a vast array of catalysts (Sanoff, 1977), and allows the design team to comprehensively discover what’s needed to design a building in an informed way. Design charrettes—facilitated brainstorming, workshops and discussions—help neutralize and unite diverse stakeholder groups. Patrick Condon believes a “correctly structured design charrette is one that allows sufficient time, spent in an atmosphere of mutual respect, for stakeholders to become team members.” The relationships built during these sessions help establish trust, commitment, and accountability throughout the design process.

Exceptional design is one which comes closest to a perfect answer in a form that transcends the problems, raising it a higher level through empathy, understanding, and compassion (Condon, 2008).  By utilizing similar outreach and programming strategies, the designer has an opportunity to more constructively understand community associations to materiality and the built environment, and develop attainable methods of modern construction to satisfy a ‘shared stomach.’


REFERENCES

Alexander, Christopher. “The timeless way of building.” Vol. 1. Oxford University Press, 1979.

Ameevor, Megabuio, interview by Brie Smith. Ewe Historian, Elder (August 8, 2003).

Amoo-Adare, Epifania Akosua. “Spatial Literacy: Contemporary Asante Women’s Place-making.” Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

Arthur, G. F. Kojo, and CFIKS. “Akan Cultural Symbols Project.” 2010. http://www.cfiks.org/akanart/akanartproject.htm (accessed 04 20, 2014).

Berry, LaVerle Bennette. “Ghana: A country study.” Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1995.

Condon, P. M. “Design Charrettes for Sustainable Communities.” Washington DC: Island Press, 2008.

Gbodjo, Togbui, interview by Brie Smith. Chief of Woe and the Anlo State (August 11, 2003).

Geurts, Kathryn Linn. “Culture and the senses: Bodily ways of knowing in an African community.” Vol. 3. University of California Press, 2003.

MacDonald, Jean. “Adinkra Symbols of West Africa.” n.d. http://www.adinkra.org/ (accessed March 12, 2014).

National Communications Authority. “National Communication Authority - Market Share Statistics.” 2014. http://www.nca.org.gh/40/105/Market-Share-Statistics.html (accessed April 12, 2014).

Oliver, Paul. “Built to meet needs: Cultural issues in vernacular architecture.” Routledge, 2006.

Reader, John. “Africa: A biography of the continent.” Penguin UK, 1998.

Sanoff, H. “Methods of Architectural Programming.” Stoudsburg, PA: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross, 1977.

Schreckenback, Hannah, and J. G. K. Abankwa. “Construction Technology for a tropical developing country.” GTZ, Eschborn, 1982.

Setsoafia, Noah, interview by Brie Smith. Priest, Elder (November 12, 2006).

Smith, Brie and Cross Cultural Solutions. “Woe General Plan Survey.” Field Research, Woe: Cross Cultural Solutions, 2003.

Soleri, Paolo. “What if?: collected writings 1986-2000.” 2002.

Water and Sanitation Monitoring Platform. “Status of Ghana’s Drinking Water and Sanitation Sector.” Annual Report, Accra: Ministry of Water Resources, Works and Housing - Ghana, 2008.

Weston, Richard. “Materials, form and architecture.” Yale University Press, 2003.

White, E. T., and Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University. “Project Programming: A Growing Architectural Service.” Tallahassee: Architectural Programming and Design Option, Graduate Program, School of Architecture, Florida A & M University, 1975.

“Woe.”  5°50’00.00” N and 0°58’00.00” E. Google Earth. August 7, 2013.  March 12, 2013.

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